Gov't's preposterous response to EU

Avi Temkin

For 50 years, Israeli politics has relied on the argument that we can do what we want in the territories, which the world classifies as "occupied."

There is no other way to describe the Israeli government's response to the EU directive imposing boycotts and sanctions against the settlements except as "preposterous". For 50 years, Israeli politics has relied on the argument that we can do what we want in the territories which the world classifies as "occupied", and nothing would happen. Yet, suddenly, some of the "hallucinatory" arguments have materialized, and Israeli politicians mobilize to express its "disappointment and shock".

What is the content of this disappointment? First is the argument that Israel was not given an opportunity to clarify its position. Even assuming that there is something to clarify, it verges on hypocrisy. In December 2012, "Globes" reported on the mood in Europe, and the intention to apply sanctions against the settlements in any future EU aid program, especially trade and R&D programs. The article was written before the elections in January 2013, when the media was speaking about a crushing Likud victory, and the lack of an external threat to Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.

The argument that back in 2005, the government should have opposed the EU demand to mark produce from the settlements is equally preposterous. The argument, of course, tries to imply that Netanyahu would have prevented the "capitulation" of then-Prime Minister Ehud Olmert, who agreed to the demand. But it should be remembered that Prime Minister Netanyahu also agreed to "exclude" the settlements, and surrendered to the OECD demand to conduct statistical studies for Israel only within the Green Line. Since then, every OECD report on Israel includes a warning about the quality of statistical data on "greater" Israel.

The Israeli response includes the argument that the European boycott "will encourage unilateral steps by the Palestinian Authority". It should be noted that the acts of the Israeli government in the West Bank over the past 50 years are based on the principle of unilateralism. Israel has built cities and neighborhoods, expropriated land, legalized land theft, and treated the civilian population as it liked. It did these things without an agreement or consent, on the basis of the argument that this was its policy. Minister of Defense Moshe Ya'alon repeated this argument this week.

The Europeans are merely continuing the spirit of Ya'alon's remarks, only they are doing it according to their own policy.

It is also necessary to remark on the argument that the EU directive will "disrupt the effort to bring the parties to the negotiating table." What negotiations? Is it the effort by US Secretary of State John Kerry, which official Israel does not comment on, but allows leaks against it? Is it politicians like Minister of the Economy Naftali Bennett who only a few days ago asked why there should be negotiations at all?

One important thing can be learned from all this. The current Israeli government can, but probably does not want, to respond to the EU directive. The government's political existence depends on the current freeze and marching in place. This should be clear to everyone, because the government privatized the economic risks of the settlements a long time ago, and it bears no responsibility for what will happen to individuals and companies as a result of this policy.

In this situation, Israeli organizations and enterprises which will need European grants or cooperation will have to go it alone. They will have to apply a quiet boycott of everything related to the Israeli presence beyond the Green Line, without any public announcements. Outwardly, everyone will toe the official line, but in practice the management of every entity seeking European money will have to find a way to separate from the West Bank, and make sure that the Europeans know it.

Such conduct was common in the past, and there have been companies which reduced and even eliminated their presence beyond the Green Line under European pressure. There is no reason to think that anything will be different this time. Here and there we'll hear threats against institutions that do this, especially by right-wing politicians. But in practice, this is the only way for many Israeli enterprises to survive in a reality which the political rules of the game are based on the current criticism.

Published by Globes [online], Israel business news - www.globes-online.com - on July 17, 2013

© Copyright of Globes Publisher Itonut (1983) Ltd. 2013

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